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The Russian Revolution

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The revolution 1917 Russian tested a rise énormed'individual-management in worker/peasant. By the pressures of WWI,derévolution and of civil war, the people of this great mass deterrediscovered that that with the destruction of a mode estvenue of theothers and that neither one nor the other functioned dansl' interestof the masses. Anarchism, as philosophical principle etpendant that anactive movement of social/political resulted desfreedoms gained oncethe part of bolchevic destroyed lavieille, scorned monarchy, combinedwith repression auxmains of bolchevic which simply replaced onerégimedétesté with others. Moreover, this governmentemployaitmaintenant rhetoric to be the voice of the proletariat.Lesanarchists of 1917-1921 saw their own fears and hatreddesétablissements carried out in the dictatorship of the debolchevicpart. Like Alexandre Berkman indicated in 1922: "... it estlesfriendly potentials of Russia and the Russian revolution which ontfaitthe greatest evil with the revolution, Russian, and auxmeilleursinterests of the functioning masses of the world, by leurexercice ofheat not soaked by truth."1 this" heat "estmanifestée in the removalof the political factions outwards dede the part of bolchevic, as wellas the brutality pureinfligée on the working class, than the part hadexplicitementexprimée that it represented.

Anarchism, by definition, is "a political theory [ etsociale ] holdingall the forms of governmental authority pourpour useless andundesirable and recommending a company based surla voluntaryco-operation and the free association of the individuals andlegroups."2 however, for my definite goals here, I simplementl'anarchism as a etcommandé room-launched autonomous movement whichfights some and all coercion and orders externes.Il becomes obviousthat such a philosophy can become a optionnormale when a company isconfronted in conditionsextrêmes such as those found in Russia in1917. The anarchistic mouvementd' took place in variable degrees allthrough Russia, but in order to this article I will concentrate onlyon lescontraintes of Petrograd anarchist, in Ukraine and Kronstadt.Chacundes three of the latter formed around different groupessociauxwhich had tested social pressures and politiquesdiverses. "[ there ]was not one of uniform process in tousles working and the soldiers ofempire... came for rejeterl' authority but their own organizations;Soviets, comitésd' factory, committees of garrison. The farmingcommunity began with rejetertoute the external authority, reprocessingin the autonomy of villageet causing the immense economic rupture. Thegrowth of the séparatismeparmi of the members of the nationalminorities was marked, menantaux requests of the separate nationalmilitary units and with lacreation of their clean organizations."3local

I am mainly concerned by the first hand accounts desanarchists as wellas the comparison of the latter with leshistoriens politicalcontemporaries. Thus hope I to persuade lelector which not only thebolchéviques ones and the historienspolitiques ones considers themasses (even the sailors of Kronstadt)comme the "obscurity" and easilyoperated, but which they ontdépeint peasants and sailors of Kronstadtas after avoirété have any true social complaint which constituteddoes not import quelprogramme political. I suggest here that the truepolitical complaints socialeset of the true majority of Russia weresiextrêmes that it carried out them to a belief inside, and need for,anarchism. If it is the anarcho-Communism of the Ukraine, theanarcho-syndicalism of the marine factory workers or theanarcho-individualismedes of Kronstadt, all were plain in their denial(degouvernement the bolchévique one). Indeed, the movement ofanarchist estparfois considered to threaten towards Russia that evenlesbolchevic, and it is of this point of controversy that I attendsàwhat proves the political historians differently.